The
multi-ethnic American unity that resulted from the “melting pot” of the
19th and early 20th Centuries has long-since cooled into the fuzzy
landscape of identity politics. The racial middleman, the
Hispanic-American, has been more likely to identify with white
Americans than blacks. Like the categories for a national census, the
2008 race for the White House has become a demand to be counted by
color. The rivarly between somewhat "black" and sometimes "brown" is a
political contest that may stereotype the future of American politics.
There is a pride among Hispanics that causes tension between
them and blacks. It is politically correct to deny that this tension
exists. But it is real nevertheless.
"The average Latino is
very geared toward the American dream. They overcame a lot of obstacles
to get here and they want to work hard to improve their lives," said
Armin (not his real name) a hedge fund manager for one of New York's
most prominent financial institutions. Born in Cuba, Armin speaks
proudly of how his parents lost everything and fled to New York from
the Castro government. It's a sad story, but with a strong pride of
self-reliance and a deep disdain for communism, most Cubans Americans
will end the tale on a happy note. A financial and social "they lived
happily ever after."
For many Hispanics, the main reason for
coming to the United States is to work. The idea is to earn both a
living and a bit of stability, two things often denied in many
developing Latin American nations. "The work ethic is why many Hispanic
Americans have tension with African Americans," said Armin. "I'm not
even sure black Americans even believe in the American Dream."
In
just over two years in the Senate and a sparse public record, questions
of whether Obama has the experience to become the president are valid,
but less discussed is whether the senator from Illinois merits
consideration for the job. There is almost a sense of entitlement to
the Obama claim to the American presidency, an entitlement felt by
black voters out of historic injury and conceded by many white voters
out of social guilt. To some Hispanics, the Obama candidacy is
perceived as the presidential version of Affirmative Action, and like
any government entitled program there is always someone benefiting at
the expense of another.
A Duke University study of the racial
attitudes between African Americans and Latinos revealed that "58.9
percent of Latinos felt few or almost no blacks are hard-working."
Dominican flag in West Harlem where blacks have ceased to be a majority
Mexican
president, Vicente Fox, created a small scandal when he noted that
Latinos in the United States will do work "that not even blacks will
do." This figure of speech has worked its way into Spanish and is
commonly repeated throughout the United States. In New York, where
Hispanics outnumber blacks, it is difficult to ignore that there are
few Latino beggars on the streets, and fewer black busboys in the
restaurants.
"As a community, I just don't trust them" said
"Daniela," a Hispanic caller to a local Los Angeles NPR station. "To
have a black president would make the black community feel like they
own the entire country." This statement was given anonymously when
uncomfortable truths about racial divides are more likely to be openly
expressed.
There is some statistical data to back Daniela's
mistrust. According to the Duke University study led by political
science professor Paula D. McClain, 56.9 percent of Latinos polled felt
few or almost no blacks could be trusted. The shocking part of the
study was that it was taken in Durham, North Carolina and among newly
arrived immigrants who had very little previous exposure to black
populations.
Not All Latinos Are the Same
"There
is a growing interest among Latinos in the Obama candidacy," said Luis
Maes, the National Coordinator for Latinos for Obama, a group
associated with the Democratic National Committee Hispanic Caucus under
the 'Casa Blanca Project.'
Born in Columbia and raised in the
United States, Luis Maes is a rare Hispanic political guru who has
worked on campaigns both here and throughout Latin America.
When
asked about the tensions between the black and Hispanic communities Mr.
Maes was quick to reply. "I call these community problems "black and
brown issues," said Mr. Maes. "We both know the Latinos in the United
States are a diverse group." Maes is correct that "Latino" or
"Hispanic" is an umbrella term used for a variety of peoples extending
from Chile to Puerto Rico. "Support for a candidate is a little more
complex than how the media portrays it."
Nevertheless, Hispanics
do have common ground, and the majority of them, with the notable
exception of Cuban-Americans, do vote Democrat. In 1989, Latino New
York voters overwhelmingly supported the first black mayoral candidate
over his Republican rival, Rudolph Guliani. Coming out of the violent
1980s, New Yorkers believed a black leader could help solve the racial
tensions that had plagued the city. Unfortunately, Mayor Dinkins’ term
was marked by deep racial strife. Dinkins' Latino support dropped from
75% to 62%, enough to hand the mayoralty over to a Republican in a town
where registered Democrats outnumber Republicans by over five to one.
In
Harlem, renowned for the historical Harlem Rennaissance, blacks are no
longer the majority as new arrivals from the Dominican Republic and
Mexico dominate whole neighborhoods.
Formerly black-owned
barbershops are a gathering point for the new communities. More than a
place to get a haircut, many Dominicans will spend their free-time at a
barbershop discussing sports, business and politics.
At one
shop, I spoke to a few men hanging around. Although Ruben could
physically pass for an African American, he sees the differences
between blacks and Hispanics as more than skin deep. "Latinos care a
lot more about the family," he surmised, and many Hispanics agree.
In
New York, Hispanics are arriving in great numbers, as black Americans
who flooded the city after the 1st World War begin to move out.
Geographically, the African American population is moving and
consolidating in enclaves, many are returning to the South, but
Hispanics are going to where the jobs are. In New York's Long Island,
the Mexican population has grown exponentially and shows no signs of
abating.
"We're 'opening paths' said Ruben proudly about the
growth of the Dominican community in Harlem. The men waiting on the
wooden bench for their weekly haircuts agreed.
"78% of Latinos
say that they have the most in common with whites and the least in
common with blacks," said professor McClain, citing the Duke University
study.
"We're actually pretty depressed about a lot of our findings," she told the university newspaper.
In
the struggle for political and social climbing blacks and Latino
consider each other as rivals and non-minority Americans as referees.
In today's democratic race, the color white is truly perceived as
neutral and it shows. In California, the country's most populated state
and home to the largest concentration of Hispanic voters, Hillary won
the Latino vote by a margin of nearly 3 to 1.
"The groups that
are having the most tension are low-income Latinos and low-income
blacks," said Latinos for Obama representative Luis Maes.
Maes
feels most Hispanics are simply choosing the Clinton brand over Obama
strictly due to name-recognition. With the increase in publicity, Obama
has become more popular among Latino voters, he comfortably won the
Latino vote during the "Potomac Primaries."
Maes feels
education may play a role, although this observation comes from his
personal political acumen rather than any empirical statistical data.
"It
just seems that the more educated the Latino voter is, the more they
get to know Obama," said Maes who has a master's degree making him a
small minority among many Latinos who often do not complete high
school. "Latino voters will vote for Obama if they get to know him."
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